Life at The Mobile Press Register, 1813-2013: Agonies of adventure, hairbreadth escapes, desperate expedients, crucial councils, random compromises and barely averted catastrophes*
Sunday, October 20, 2019
Sunday, October 13, 2019
A short penny paper sidebar to the career of a partisan political editor
The Mobile Ledger founded in 1841 |
Forsyth and his editorial partner Hamilton Ballentyne launched the
independent Mobile Daily Ledger on December 6, 1841. They told readers
the paper was “neither devoted to the support of any particular political
party . . . nor yet confined to a strait-laced
neutrality.”
Since 1837, Forsyth had been co-owner of the daily Mobile Commercial
Register and Patriot, which supported the Democrat Party. Starting the Ledger
raises a lot of questions such as:
- Why did Forsyth start the Ledger when he still owed for the purchase of the Register?
- Where did the money come from to start the new publication?
- Did he intend the Ledger to be an additional paper, or did he intend to sell the Register?
- The Ledger must have been in the planning for several months, so was there some significance to the timing?
- Forsyth and the Democrats had just come through the bruising 1840 election against the Whigs, why abandon the partisan path now?
John Forsyth Jr., Courtesy of Library of Congress |
Forsyth and Ballentyne wrote that their new publication’s “chief
aim . . . will be to become a sprightly, and useful newspaper—to
avoid heavy matter and long articles, to afford a compendium of news, foreign
and domestic political, religious and literary, and to promote the instruction
and amusement of all classes of readers.” This style of content was
characteristic of the New York penny papers the editors referred to.
Benjamin Day launched his New York Sun in 1833 and sent newsboys
out on the city’s streets to sell them to the public for a penny. At a time
when most conventional dailies sold for 6 cents, Day’s cheap paper not only
proved successful but seemed revolutionary. Other publishers followed his lead.
Since then, penny papers, especially those in New York, have achieved
mythical status among most journalism historians. These historians have claimed
that penny paper publishers essentially created
the first modern commercial papers, independent from politically parties. They
also credit penny papers with inventing the modern concept of news, and then of
using newsboys to hawk it on the streets when most papers relied on yearly
subscriptions.
The trouble with this portrayal is that it is misleading and occasionally
flat wrong. As journalism historian Julie Hedgepeth Williams pointed out, Benjamin Mecom produced the first penny
paper in America, the Penny Post of Philadelphia, in 1769. The Post
was not a long-term success. Other attempts at selling newspapers for a penny
followed: The Cent of Philadelphia, the Bostonian, and the New
York Morning Post, which started out at two cents a copy and quickly
went to a penny. None of these papers proved successful in the long term,
either. So it is accurate to say that Day’s Sun proved more successful
than the earlier penny papers.
Most historians also credit penny papers
with adopting new technologies, such as the telegraph and high-speed
presses. They also claim that the penny papers introduced new jobs such as reporters
and new sources of income from advertising.
Again, there are flaws in this depiction. Earlier newspapers, including
the Mobile Register until about 1834, exercised neutrality and
objectivity in presenting information. The Register and other
conventional newspapers also used reporters, took steps to speed up
transmitting news by mail on land and water, as well as rapidly acquiring
faster presses.
The penny papers were just one class of newspapers in New York, Mobile,
and elsewhere. Mobile had nonpartisan papers, political party papers,
commercial papers, agricultural papers, literary papers, humor papers, and
others. They published as weeklies, bi-weeklies, tri-weeklies, and dailies.
Dailies were not the most common form of newspapers. These publications
experienced varying degrees of success, especially in Mobile, still a frontier
town in the 1820s and 1830s.
Communications researcher John C. Nerone has pointed out that the rise
of popular partisan politics and the market economy in the early 1800s affected
every class of newspaper in different ways. Cheaper prices and growing
circulation, faster presses, street sellers, reporters, and newsy content can
be found in all newspapers to one degree or another. Penny papers also adopted
existing newspaper formats and some of them printed on antiquated hand presses.
Both Richmond and New Orleans claim to have had penny papers before
they appeared in Mobile. The accuracy of that claim depends on how you define a
penny paper. Defining a penny paper would seem to be simple and
straightforward. It cost a reader one cent. But contemporaries seemed to define
penny papers more by their business practices and content than by their street
price.
The Library of Virginia asserts that James
A. Cowardin and William H. Davis published the first penny paper south of
Baltimore, the four-page Daily Dispatch of Richmond, on October 19, 1850.
And it was priced at one cent and had content typically found in penny papers.
Francis Asbury Lumsden and George
Wilkins Kendall, a former typesetter on the Mobile Register in 1833,
began the New Orleans Picayune on January 25,1837. New Orleans’
historians say that it was patterned after the penny press. The Picayune
took its name from a Spanish half-real silver coin then in circulation,
a picayune, worth about 6 ¼ cents. At 6 ¼ cents, the Picayune was 5 ¼
cents too much to be a penny paper pricewise.
A picayune |
For the Picayune, being patterned
after the penny papers seems to refer to its business and news practices. This
includes contracting with newsboys for street sales, hiring reporters, and
setting up a pony express system to get news faster from the East.
Back in Mobile, Solomon Child published
the Mobile Times “upon the plan of the Penny Papers” in July 1837. Child
also said the Times would be Democrat and mercantile. The Times
sold for 6 ¼ cents a copy, the same single-issue price as the Picayune
and the Ledger.
What the Ledger, Times,
and the Picayune seem to have meant by being patterned after the penny
press was not their single-issue price, but a cash system of
circulation. The newspapers sold their editions for cash to distributors who
then sold the papers to readers however they deemed best, either subscription
or street sales.
Subscriptions for the Mobile papers
brought their single-issue cost down. The Ledger didn’t take
subscriptions for longer than a month at 75 cents. That brought the
single-issue price down to about 3 cents. A subscription for one week cost 25
cents, or about 3.5 cents a copy. The Times sold three-month subscriptions
for $2.50, about 3.5 cents a copy.
The Ledger contracted with about
10 carriers, or newsboys, “to serve customers in every part of the
City.” But a focus on street sales is
misleading. Even in New York, carriers sold the overwhelming number of penny newspapers
by subscription. Carriers sold only about one out of every 10 papers on the
street. Not surprisingly, newsboys who bought their papers in bulk in cash from
the publisher preferred to sell to regular customers by subscription. And any
start-up newspaper needed a subscription list to begin publishing and selling
advertising.
The penny system was significant not for
single-issue street sales but because it eliminated the common newspaper
problem of unpaid subscriptions. “It
will be perceived at once that the cheapness of the Ledger and its
system of distribution and sales by a large corps of active news boys,” Forsyth
and Ballentyne said, “will give it a wide circulation and render it the best
medium of public advertising. Circulation will be the great object to
which the study and industry of the undersigned will be directed; and to render
it agreeable to the tastes, and useful to the pursuits of all classes, other
pens and other talents than those of the editors will be pressed into the
service.”
The real barrier to a large circulation for the Ledger or any
other paper in Mobile was the city’s slim population. In 1840, Mobile had just
12,672 people and nearly half them were slaves, who couldn’t buy newspapers.
Even before the Ledger published its first issue, Forsyth
suffered a personal setback that affected his ambitions for the new paper. His
father died unexpectedly on October 21, 1841, in Washington, D.C. Forsyth left
Mobile for Columbus, Georgia, to settle his father’s estate.
Forsyth had apparently planned to return to Mobile and the Ledger,
but legal issues dragged on. In 1842, the owners’ names on the Ledger
masthead changed from Forsyth and Ballentyne to Ballentyne and Company. In
1845, Forsyth retuned to Mobile to sell his Summerville home. He had decided to
stay in Columbus and it would take him until 1850 to settle his father’s
estate.
Because Forsyth still owed Thaddeus Sanford for the purchase of the Register,
Sanford resumed ownership of the paper as the easiest means of settling
accounts. The change in owners may have been in the works before Forsyth’s father died
and before the Ledger began publication.
Upon returning to the helm of the Mobile Daily Commercial Register
and Patriot, Sanford combined it with his former partner S.F. Wilson’s Merchants
& Planters Journal, begun just three years before. Sanford changed the combined
papers’ name to the Mobile Register and Journal on December 1, 1841.
Without Forsyth’s guiding hand, the Ledger eventually failed and
so ended its experiment with the penny paper system. Little is known about the Times,
but it also proved short-lived.
NOTES
Lonnie A. Burnett, The Pen Makes a Good Sword: Joh Forsyth of the Mobile
Register. (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2006), 2; 34
“Prospectus,”
The Mobile Daily Ledger, December 8, 1841 1:1
Julie Hedgepeth Williams,
“The Founding of the Penny Press: Nothing New Under The Sun, The
Herald, or The Tribune.” Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of
the American Journalism Historians Association (Salt Lake City, Utah, October
6-9, 1993)
John C. Nerone, “The Mythology of the Penny Press.” Critical
Studies in Mass Communication, 4:4 (1987), 376-404
“James Andrew Cowardin,” Library of Virginia. Online: https://edu.lva.virginia.gov/online_classroom/union_or_secession/people/james_cowardin;
Accessed October 5, 2019
Mobile Daily Commercial Register and Patriot,
August 9, 1837 2:6
“The Press,” Historical New Orleans. Online: http://www.storyvilledistrictnola.com/newspapers.html.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)